04
Apr
08

The Nez Perce Indians and the Environmental Ethics of Our Names

The Kincentrism of Anthropomorphism by the Nez Perce

The Nez Perce, at the time of Luis and Clark, exemplified an environmental ethic, which offers insight and direction towards an environmentally healthy lifestyle. This tribe resided in the plateau spanning the modern states of Washington and Idaho (see figure 1) for hundreds of years before Lewis and Clark stumbled upon them on September 20th, 1805 (Josephy 5). Nez Perce, Latin for “pierced-nose”, stems from the ancient practice of piercing their septum with dentalium, the tubular shell of a marine mollusk (Josephy 23). In the actual language of the Nez Perce, they call themselves the Nimapu, or the Real People (Haines 8). This name appropriately represents this tribe as an environmentally religious people in the light that any “real people” considers the natural setting around them. The contemporary world largely lacks any environmental ethic supporting moral protection of the environment. This essay investigates how the Nez Perce’s religious beliefs protected the environment, or local ecosystems, from human degradation. In particular, the Nez Perce’s Creation stories and spirit world or “Wyakin” beliefs, having evolved out of their close relationship to the land, added a reverent spiritual protection for the natural world, which shows a viable land ethic exemplifying protection of the environment through kincentric anthropomorphism of the tribe’s surroundings; kincentric meaning that all the creatures of the world are equal and interconnected through a common understanding, including humans.

Recent archeological finds, reveal man’s existence in the Lower Snake River Valley as early as 8,000 years ago (Josephy 15). The Nez Perce language belongs to a widespread and very old family of Penutian tongues. Judging by the similarity of languages of Native peoples down throughout the Rockies, the Nez Perce most likely come from the direction of Alaska moving down the westward side of the Rockies (Josephy 18). Eventually, the ancient peoples became the Nez Perce that Louis and Clark accidentally met in the Snake River-Clearwater Valley. The tribe closely connected to their surroundings gaining all of their nourishment from the earth even without the help of agriculture. Seasonal salmon runs, or “hillal” (in the Nez Perce language), and wild game, along with fruits, berries and roots were the tribe’s main subsistence (Josephy 17). Other tribes desired to trade with the Nez Perce partly because of a “distinctive bow” developed by the Nez Perce (Josephy 19). The Nez Perce constituted a strong presence in the region, slightly dominating other tribes in weaponry and prestige. Upon introduction to the horse in the early 1700’s, the Nez Perce was crossed the continental divide and learned buffalo hunting from the Flatheads (Josephy 20). In the opposite direction, a large trading center, Dulles, provided much interaction with neighboring peoples. At this spot, the numerous peoples traded goods as well as cultural ideas as is evident in a common creation story (Josephy 22).

The people of Dulles shared the myth of Coyote, the proverbial creator of each and every tribe amongst the people Dulles. Coyote is the most important of the “anthropomorphized animal characters and nature spirits” that held power in the spirit world (Boyd 114). Coyote is considerably anthropomorphized in the Nez Perce stories, along with every other spirit in their cultural stories. This spirit, Coyote, was so humanized that his actions seemed anything but coyote-like. He had a specific personality, one of cunning, wit, humor, “folly and childishness”, and “treachery and deceit” (qtd. in Boyd 115). The spirit could transform the face of nature, something that is sadly possible today with the help of machinery and technology, but wasn’t possible for the Nez Perce who lacked the modern technology. However, Coyote could alter his appearance into different shapes in order to “forward his purposes” in supernatural ways (qtd. in Boyd 115). He would resort to trickery and cunning to accomplish great feats. For instance, the Sun and the Moon, according to the Nez Perce, were the Sun and the Sun’s father, an old man, respectively. The Sun was killed many creatures and then fed them to his father, the old man. Inadvertently, Coyote reached the Sun who he duped and killed along with his father creating the Moon, the old man, and the Sun out of their dead bodies (Aoki 159-160). In the same way, Coyote killed “Flint-Man” in revenge for the murder of Coyote’s daughters, leaving flint scattered around the land (Aoki 170). These anthropomorphic myths account for many phenomenon of importance to the tribe such as the origin of the Sun and the Moon and flint, used to kindle fire.

Thus, the stories of anthropomorphized animal/spirits retain a kincentric undertone unlike the anthropocentric portrayal of animals in modern Western culture. A person relating to a dog may see human emotions in the dog wagging their tale translating that behavior as happy or joyful, while the true nature of the dog’s experiences are impossible to imaging in a human frame of mind. In this sense, most people in the United States today perceive dogs as less intelligent, less important creatures. However, the Nez Perce saw the coyote or the dog as human-like in the sense that they equally important as humans in the great scheme of the world. In other words, the Coyote illustrates that other creatures are tied to the Nez Perce as equal beings.

Of all the spirits, Coyote was most “associated with the creation of certain phenomena in mythology” such as the creation of the tribal peoples of the Northwest region (Boyd 114). As told by the Nez Perce, the tale depicts a huge monster eating all the animals in the Snake River Valley. Coyote was seen as a “supernatural trickster” that accomplished great deeds, but usually outsmarted himself with comical results”. Coyote supposedly slew the monster by jumping down his throat and sawing up his heart with flint. Upon the monsters death, Coyote cut up the body and each piece became a people, of which the Nez Perce (or the appropriate tribe of the storyteller) sprang from the blood becoming the most courageous and intelligent of all the people (Josephy 23).

The Coyote-creation story firmly intertwines the Nez Perce with nature incorporating their creation with the surrounding world. For example, located athwart the Clearwater River from the village of Kemaih, two large mounds of basalt literally were, to the Nez Perce, the liver and the heart of the monster destroyed by Coyote (Haines 8). Obviously, such strong representations lend ethical protection to the earth or, more specifically, the basalt mounds. Mundane aspects of land like basalt mounds suddenly become very important when surrounded by such lore. In our contemporary world, rocks receive little consideration, however, in the Nez Perce’s world, even rocks had spiritual significance.

Considering that Indians populated most North America holding similar types of spiritual beliefs, we can assume that the “basalt-mound-type” spirituality was wide spread. Accounting for those beliefs by respecting the previous myths and lore lends much needed significance to otherwise mundane land across the country. For instance, Coyotes are vermin by modern, hunting laws in the United States, which allow anyone to kill coyotes at will. If the idea of the Coyote in Nez Perce tradition were adopted, at least in the historical sense, the Coyote would have different meaning to our country. This type of protection already exists in legislation, but only for historical landmarks and buildings. We should give animals more importance in the culture of the United States by developing legislation that recognizes the historical, cultural importance of species to the original peoples of North America. Creating these laws also pays needed respect to the presence of such peoples despite the state of the Native Americans today, which is incomparable to the prosperity before the arrival of Europeans.

Besides the Nez Perce myths and creation stories, the beliefs in Wyakin, or guardian spirits, illustrate a strong kincentric tradition interwoven with the natural environment. Wyakin were the “supernatural guardians” of practically every object or creature in the world and could “harm or protect a [person] depending on its powers and inclination.” Each man and woman had a personal Wyakin “warning [them], protecting [them], and assisting [them] throughout [his/her] life on earth” (Josephy 25). The Nez Perce would send off their children at around the age of ten for a fasting and vigil period where the child would see the Wyakin (Haines 57). The spirit would appear as a “forest fire, a wounded bear, a one-antlered elk,” either physically or in a dream state (Josephy 25).

The utterly important taboos associated with these spirits breed great respect within the Nez Perce for the environment, fulfilling a necessity to relate the world around the tribe. Given, one couldn’t expect a people to relate to anything other than the world around them, which for the Nez Perce was immersed in nature. Subsequently, the young Nez Perce’s vigil revealed the Wyakin to the child and required the youth going out and finding “silent and lonely place…to fast and wait” for the Wyakin to appear (Josephy 25). The youth wait for their Wyakin to appear either physically or in a dream. Occasionally, seeing the Wyakin required several days of concentration where a lack of food and water would produce a hallucinogenic, dream state of mind where the Wyakin would surely appear. If no Wyakin, appeared the youth merely tried again until successful (Josephy 27).

The youth waited to reveal their Wyakin until the Guardian Spirit Dance in the winter, where the youths would imitate and chant about their Wyakin (Josephy 27). This practice demonstrates an extremely heart-felt the tradition where the youths would paint themselves and with “suggestive designs” and dance with older dancers until a hypnotic state was reached. The degree of exertion demonstrated how deeply the dancers felt and experienced the entire ordeal. By the end of the dance, the dancers could take on the names of their guardian spirits as well as their ancestral name along with any other nicknames the individuals had acquired over the years (Josephy 27). By taking on the name of their guardian spirits, the Nez Perce were completely immersed in the ethic that guided their cultural lives. Sharing a name and partial identity with a creature or natural phenomenon would only breed an emotional connection with that “guardian.” The Nez Perce physically endured the hardship of discovering the Wyakin, which endeared the spirit/animal to the Nez Perce. The hardship coupled with simply sharing “personality traits,” or idiosyncratic characteristics with the animal species or natural phenomenon, helped the Nez Perce to appreciate those animals or events in a more kincentric manner.

There was an ethical safeguard against driving any animals to extinction or ignorantly denouncing an occurrence such as ah forest fire as unfortunate and unnatural (which happens today in places like southern California where humans are constantly fighting forest fires). Actually, the degraded state of the land creates harsher and larger fires when exotic (introduced) plant species annually die creating more fuel for potential fires (Zedler et al. 809). However, if some types of ethical restrictions protected the ecosystems in order with human behavior, we could avoid situations such as increased susceptibility to fire or animal extinction. Perhaps, our culture should change the tradition of giving a middle name and give middle names of endemic creatures and natural phenomenon found in the area of the person’s birth. Although, the Nez Perce delayed naming a person for the guardian spirit until the Wyakin was revealed during the Guardian Spirit Dance or when that person attained a nickname through accomplishments or accidental happenstance. In a similar way, our culture should give a middle name only after that person’s personality shines through or they exhibit a behavior exemplifying an animal or natural phenomenon. A person having a name tied to the natural world identifies with the entity represents inclining that person to preserve and appreciate that species or natural occurrence. In order to create the naming tradition, we need to abandon the popular practice of associating smaller, less ferocious animals with weakness versus associating lager, more powerful animals with dominance in order to allow for open interpretation and naming after behavior. In the United States today, a person may be ridiculed for having a name relating them to a mouse vs. having a name relating them to mountain lion. Field mice are quick and industrious, which make the creatures very good at survival a characteristic that would not be unworthy of a human being. Therefore, giving a middle name is not limited to big and ferocious animals. Incorporating such a tradition would pay respect to the pre-colonial history of North American and its inhabitants as well as initiate ethical understanding of the environment.

Because the Nez Perce believed that a forest fire or a bear, etc. could give one power or ill fortune, meant that the Nez Perce respected every aspect of the world around them. For instance: “the spirit of the wind…could turn enemy arrows from [the Nez Perce’s] body” representing the wind as far from ordinary; “thunder and lighting would make [a man] brave in battle” giving a fearful phenomenon courageous connotations; “the bear or a bull buffalo would give him strength”; “the coyote” would give him “cunning in stalking enemies” and so on (Josephy 26). Basically, each animal’s biological behaviors and traits were passed onto the Nez Perce as the person’s Wyakin, which guided them through life. Emphasizing the importance of the Wyakin, the person would carry charms, or bits of fur, claws, or a bird’s head in order to aid in protection against enemies and other “bad medicine” (Josephy 26). The tribe considered the Wyakin good “medicine” that counteracted things like storms, sickness and enemies (Josephy 26).

There was restraint in following the rules and restrictions set forth by a person’s Wyakin. If a person “violated a rule” designated by his Wyakin, there would be consequences such as a poor hunt, an injury, or sickness (Josephy 26). Much of these beliefs protected the world around them from human degradation. Everything had a Wyakin and should be respected and the spirit appeased in order to not be afflicted with bad “medicine.”

The Micmac tribe of the Eastern tip of Canada held similar beliefs before contact with Europeans. This tribe believed everything had “manitou” or magical powers that represented emotional feelings given off by “an object, person or situation” (Martin 13). Everything had a spirit, an idea different from the Nez Perce in that the Guardian spirit of the object or creature was the actual spirit of the thing. Therefore, taboos provided for restraint by acting as “a control mechanism on Micmac land use, maintaining the environment” (Martin 13). In other worlds, the Micmacs were governed by these taboos in hunting and dealing with the remains of their prey. For instance, beavers comprised a “separate nation” respected for their industrial ingenuity. Therefore, when trapping beaver, the spirit had to be appeased in order to ensure good hunts in the future. Consequently, the beaver was “drawn in public and made into soup,” and care was taken not to spill the soup in the fire. Remains of moose fawn were similarly treated with great respect by not being thrown in the fire or given to the dogs, out of fear that the spirit may go to “inform their own kind of bad treatment” among the Micmacs and the animal “nation” would leave the area. The Micmac greatly respected bears and would hunt them while they hibernated, but a long “conciliatory speech” was made to appease the bear. Also, the bear’s heart was reserved for the elders of the village for if the young ate organ, they may “get out of breath while traveling and lose courage in danger” (Martin 14).

Analogous to Nez Perce belief, the Micmacs attributed illness or misfortune to not observing a taboo or ritual (Martin 15). Depending on the degree of disregard or type of taboo that was broken, misfortune afflicted the Micmac. The Micmac may become ill or injured, have his or the tribe’s means of hunting made “ineffective”, or the entire animal “nation” would leave the area, all possibilities that were only reversible by the works of a Shaman (Martin 16). All of these events are scientifically explained today, however, the world of the Micmac demonstrates a deep, spiritual tie to Nature and the ecosystem around them. The tribe exemplifies that by anthropomorphizing the world around them they foster a kincentric connection that sets up an ethical restraint for use of the land.

Although they lived on opposite ends of the continent, the Nez Perce and the Micmac share an ethical taboo framework protecting the environment around them. Each tribe was completely ignorant of the other illustrating that the ethic was wide spread across North America. If nothing else, we should note the history of this belief system as cultural heritage of the country/continent when considering the protection of endemic ecosystems and the natural world. Also, we should encourage, at least, a solid understanding that our nourishment comes from livestock and crops respecting that these organisms as part of our ecosystem, regardless of how degraded or polluted. Such understanding would lead to appreciation of organisms considered economically unnecessary. As a modern, Western culture, we are far from believing livestock are “resigned to [their] fate” as the Micmacs believed (qtd. in Martin 14). However, we could attempt to respect each life taken for food fostering a connection with the natural world. This could be accomplished by uttering a phrase of appreciation when the animal is slaughtered or eaten. The same concept applies to recreational hunting and fishing dictating that we should pay the same respects to game animals in the name of a viable environmental ethic.

Overall, the beliefs of the Nez Perce and the Micmac tribe exemplified an ethical relation to the natural environment through an anthropomorphic, kincentric tradition. Modern Western culture we should honor such traditions by creating legislation that protects ecosystems and species as historically important in our historical heritage. The basis for these laws is myths and creation stories as well as the religious beliefs of native peoples around the globe, especially in the United States. Species such as the coyote should be recognized as historical inspiration for myths such as those surrounding the mythical Coyote and the Nez Perce. We should study these stories and nationally recognize their significance in our heritage. With the ancient lore of the Indians surrounding them, average, mundane creatures and landmarks become very meaningful as with the basalt mounds in Washington.

The practice of adopting a Wyakin name also shows a deep, interwoven connection with nature, which helped the Nez Perce to preserve the world around them that gave them life. Naming traditions should be integrated with our own by giving middle names that relate a person to a natural phenomenon or species. Before such a practice is adopted, we would have to encourage others to see animals such as mice as significant and worthy by pointing out how typical mouse behavior is not invaluable in humans. Tying a person to a species or occurrence in nature fosters a connection and appreciation for that entity.

Finally, the Micmac and the Nez Perce followed religious taboos and respected their animal prey. We should do the same by at least verbally announcing our appreciation of the sustenance our crops and livestock provide. Doing so doesn’t imply that we are equal to these organisms, but at least brings us closer to an ethical relation to the environment that supports and sustains us no matter how separated from it we have become.

nez perce

Figure 1: adapted from : Josephy, Alvin M. Jr. The Nez Perce Indians and the Opening of the Northwest. New Haven: Yale UP, 1965.
(Josephy 6)

Works Cited:
Aoki, Haruo, and Deward E. Walker, Jr. Nez Perce Oral Naratives. Linguistics vol. 104. Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1989.
Boyd, Robert. People of the Dalles: The Indians of Wascopam Mission. Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska, 1996.
Haines, Francis. The Nez Perces: Tribesmen of the Columbia Plateau. Norman: University of Okalahoma Press, 1955.
Josephy, Alvin M. Jr. The Nez Perce Indians and the Opening of the Northwest. New Haven: Yale UP, 1965.
Martin, Calvin. “The Spiritual Crisis of European Colonization.” Religion in American History: A Reader. Ed. John Butler and Harry S. Stout. New York: Oxford UP, 1998. 7-21.
Zedler et al. “Vegetation Change in Response to Extreme Events: the Effect of a Short Interval Between Fires in California Chaparral and Coastal Scrub.” Ecology 64.4 (1983): 809-818.


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